Archive for the 'people' Category

Part IV (Part III)

In between stops on the campaign trail, Giuliani always found time to swing by the Houston office. “This summer, it was quite a thing to watch,” Stein says. “He was there a lot, to be seen and to create press.” At gatherings of prospects whom Bracewell wanted to lure to the firm, Giuliani was a star attraction. “It was as much a fundraising attempt as an attempt to get people to sign with Bracewell,” Stein says. (The Giuliani campaign never responded to repeated requests for interviews with the candidate’s business partners and key fundraisers.)

Giuliani was back in Houston in early September, enjoying a Houston Texans football game with Oxford and Texans owner Bob McNair, who in 2004 had given more than $500,000 to the Swift Boat Veterans and another right-wing 527, Progress for America. Rudy had been in Arlington the day before taking batting practice with the Texas Rangers, courtesy of owner Tom Hicks, who was hosting a fundraiser at the park. That night, Hizzoner threw out the first pitch.

On the surface, it’s surprising that a thrice-married, pro-gay rights, pro-gun control mayor of New York City could do so well in the Lone Star State. But when you examine Giuliani’s record as mayor and his positions on the campaign trail, it begins to make sense. As mayor of New York, Giuliani tried to privatize everything he could, including hospitals, schools and the management of Central Park, while vetoing a living-wage ordinance for city employees.

On the campaign trail in Texas, like everywhere else, he talks largely about 9/11 and “the terrorists’ war against us.” (His foreign policy advisers include neocon war cheerleaders like Norman Podhoretz and Daniel Pipes.) He has taken a newfound hard line on illegal immigration and the border and frequently professes his love for Ronald Reagan. He talks about the need to further reduce taxes and shrink the government. In an essay on National Review Online, Pickens explained his support for Giuliani in part by noting that “Rudy will demand that each Cabinet member submit budget cuts of between 5 and 20 percent annually.” When asked at a cocktail party in the Woodlands, a chic suburb of Houston, how he could win the South, Giuliani mentioned his “strong conservative credentials” and his competitiveness in a general election, according to Jim Granato, a professor at the University of Houston who attended the event. “He’s the one they think can defeat Hillary,” says Stein.

In a state where Republicans remain doggedly fond of their native son, Giuliani rarely, if ever, criticizes President Bush. “Rudy’s been alone, among all the candidates, in treating Bush with kid gloves,” says Giuliani’s former deputy mayor, Fran Reiter. “So gathering Bush’s supporters to his campaign makes sense to me.”

When it comes to energy policy, Giuliani’s record as mayor won’t present a roadblock to his industry supporters. He put ten new power plants in New York neighborhoods over the objection of community groups and allowed utility giant Consolidated Edison to expand along the East River. Unlike other New York Republicans, such as former Governor George Pataki, “environmental issues were not a big category for Giuliani,” says Reiter.

At a speech last year at the Manhattan Institute, the conservative think tank that generated many of Rudy’s mayoral policies, Giuliani called the idea of energy independence “the wrong paradigm.” He dismissed energy conservation as “helpful but not really very, very effective.” He was most animated, according to press reports, about the need to build new nuclear power plants and expand oil drilling. “We haven’t drilled in Alaska,” he said. “We haven’t built oil refineries. We haven’t ordered a nuclear power plant since 1978.” He also plugged ethanol, a favorite in Midwest corn states like Iowa, and so-called clean coal technologies.

On the campaign trail, Rudy now includes the requisite language about curbing global warming and weaning America from its dependence on foreign oil. One of his campaign’s “twelve commitments” is to “lead America towards energy independence.” At a diner in Waterloo, Iowa, this past summer, he was asked how he’d accomplish that goal, given his clients in the oil, gas, coal and nuclear energy industries. “Law firms aren’t political,” Giuliani responded, “so this is kind of a silly way in which people attack each other on politics. It has no relationships to your political position. As a lawyer, or a law firm…you don’t make determinations of who you represent on your political philosophy.”

That answer was less than convincing in light of Bracewell’s political activism and Giuliani’s newfound friends. These days, Rudy’s “political philosophy” seems to mirror that of his energy clients and Bush Pioneers. There’s synergy between the old Bracewell & Patterson and the new Bracewell & Giuliani. On a recent trip to Mississippi, Giuliani even floated the name of Haley Barbour, now governor of the state, as his potential VP.

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blackwater.gifSalon features what seems to be quite a comprehensive article on the Bush administration’s ties to Blackwater, the so-called ’security’ company more aptly described as the biggest and most ruthless band of mercenaries doing America’s bidding. And following the history of christianity rather than the essential teachings of that religion, links are close between the christian right, the US government and that band of state sanctioned killers.

When Blackwater contractors guarding a U.S. State Department convoy allegedly killed 11 unarmed Iraqi civilians on Sept. 16, it was only the latest in a series of controversial shooting incidents associated with the private security firm. Blackwater has a reputation for being trigger-happy. Since 2005, the North Carolina-based company, which has about 1,000 contractors in Iraq, has reported 195 “escalation of force incidents”; in 163 of those cases Blackwater guns fired first. According to the New York Times, Blackwater guards were twice as likely as employees of two other firms protecting State Department personnel in Iraq to be involved in shooting incidents.

Today the State Department announced that Blackwater personal will from now on be accompanied by government agents during their missions; their vehicles will also have to be equipped with cameras and microphones - all supposedly to “gather factual information” on future Blackwater engagements. Given the history of the relationship between company and the State Department as well as the US administration in general, both effectiveness and sincerity of these measures are rather doubtful. US senator Waxman, chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, alleged the Department arranged for Blackwater to pay $15,000 to the family of an Iraqi guard who was shot and killed by a drunken Blackwater employee. In another shooting death, the payment was $5,000. As CNN reported Monday, the State Department also allowed a Blackwater employee to write State’s initial “spot report” on the Sept. 16 shooting incident - a report that did not mention civilian casualties and claimed contractors were responding to an insurgent attack on a convoy.

The State Department’s protective actions though are just a small reflection of the overall deep entanglement between the Bush gang, christian right-wingers, prominent Republicans and Blackwater, a coziness that has paid handsomely for the mercenary company:

  • blackwaterday1a.jpgFrom 2001 to 2007, the firm has increased its annual federal contracts from less than US$1 million to more than US$500 million
  • Canadian Robert Young Pelton, author of “Licensed to Kill: Hired Guns in the War on Terror,” has reported that one of Blackwater’s earliest contracts in the national arena was a no-bid US$5.4 million deal to provide security guards in Afghanistan, which came after Prince made a call to then CIA executive director Buzzy Krongard
  • Harper’s Ken Silverstein has reported that Prince has a security pass for CIA headquarters and “meets with senior people” inside the CIA
  • Prince’s most important benefactor was fellow conservative Roman Catholic convert Paul Bremer, former head of the Iraq Coalition Provisional Authority, the American occupation government in Iraq; in August 2003, Blackwater won a US$27.7 million contract to provide personal security for Bremer; in charge of the Blackwater team guarding Bremer was Frank Gallagher, who had provided personal security for former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger when Bremer was managing director of Kissinger’s consulting firm, Kissinger and Associates, in the 1990s
  • Blackwater was recently one of five companies awarded a Department of Defense counter-narcoterrorism contract that could reportedly be worth as much as US$15 billion
  • Blackwater also became involved in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, and profited handsomely; according to Jeremy Scahill, author of “Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army“, the company had made roughly US$73 million for Katrina-related government work by June 2006, less than a year after the hurricane hit

And while Blackwater made hundreds of millions of dollars thanks to the American government’s largess, employees passed through a turnstile between Blackwater and the administration, several leaving important posts in the Pentagon and the CIA to take jobs at the “security” company. Below is a list of some of Blackwater’s luminaries with their professional - and political - résumés.

Erik Prince, founder and CEO:

  • erik_prince.jpgErik Prince, a former Navy SEAL, founded Blackwater in 1996 but reportedly took a behind-the-scenes role in the company until after 9/11
  • His late father, auto-parts magnate Edgar Prince, was instrumental in the creation of the ‘Family Research Council‘ (FRC), one of the right-wing Christian groups most influential with the current Bush administration
  • Erik Prince’s mother Elsa has served on the boards of the FRC and another influential Christian-right organization, Dobson’s ‘Focus on the Family‘ (James Dobson is a stalwart of the Christian conservative movement); she currently runs the ‘Edgar and Elsa Prince Foundation’ (EEPF - with her son Erik being a vice president); between July 2003 and July 2006, the EEPF gave at least $670,000 to the FRC and $531,000 to ‘Focus on the Family’
  • Both Edgar and Elsa have been affiliated with the ‘Council for National Policy‘ (CNP), the secretive Christian conservative organization whose meetings have been attended by Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Bremer, and whose membership is rumored to include Jerry Falwell, Ralph Reed and Dobson; the EEPF gave the CNP $80,000 between July 2003 and July 2006
  • Erik’s sister Betsy married into the Amway founding DeVos family, one of the country’s biggest donors to Republican and conservative causes; she chaired the Michigan Republican Party from 1996 to 2000 and again from 2003 to 2005, and her husband, Dick, ran as the Republican candidate for Michigan governor in 2006
  • Erik Prince and his first and second wives have donated roughly $300,000 to Republican candidates and political action committees; through his ‘Freiheit Foundation’ he gave $500,000 to ‘Prison Fellowship Ministries‘, run by former Nixon official Charles Colson, in 2000; in the same year, he contributed $30,000 to the ‘American Enterprise Institute‘, a neo-conservative think tank; during college, he interned in George H.W. Bush’s White House, and also interned for Rep. Dana Rohrabacher; Rohrabacher and fellow California Republican Rep. John Doolittle have visited Blackwater’s Moyock, N.C., compound, on a trip arranged by the ‘Alexander Strategy Group‘ (ASG), a lobbying firm founded by former aides of then House Majority Leader Tom Delay; ASG partner Paul Behrends is a longtime associate of Prince’s

Joseph Schmitz, chief operating officer and general counsel:

  • joseph schmitz.jpgIn 2002 Bush nominated Schmitz to oversee and police the Pentagon’s military contracts as the Defense Department’s inspector general; Schmitz presided over the largest increase of military-contracting spending in history: as of 2005, 77 companies were awarded 149 “prime contracts” worth $42.1 billion, with hundreds of millions going to Blackwater; Schmitz reported directly to the secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld
  • Schmitz has close ties to the Republican Party establishment; is father, John G. Schmitz, was a two-term Republican congressman, and his brother, Patrick Schmitz, served as George H.W. Bush’s deputy counsel from 1985 to 1993; Joseph himself worked as a special assistant to Reagan-era Attorney General Edwin Meese
  • Schmitz resigned in 2005 under mounting pressure from both Democratic and Republican senators, who accused him of interfering with criminal investigations into inappropriately awarded contracts, turning a blind eye to conflicts of interest and other failures of oversight
  • According to an October 2005 article in Time magazine, Schmitz showed the White House the results of his staff’s multiyear investigation into a contract in which the Air Force leased air-refueling tankers from Boeing for more than it would have cost to buy them, then agreed to redact the names of senior White House staffers involved in the decision before sending the final report to Congress
  • In September 2005 Schmitz went to work for Blackwater

J. Cofer Black, vice chairman:

  • J_Cofer_Black.jpgBlack spent most of his 28-year CIA career running covert operations in the Directorate of Operations, where he worked with Rob Richer (below); at the time of the 9/11 attacks, he was director of the CIA’s Counterterrorism Center (CTC), a role in which he convinced Bush that the CIA should lead initial U.S. combat operations in Afghanistan after 9/11
  • Black is a man with a flair for the dramatic, the kind of briefer Bush likes; in one briefing for example, Black told Bush, “When we’re through with [terrorists in Afghanistan], they will have flies walking across their eyeballs”; Black also ordered CIA field officer Gary Schroen to bring back Osama bin Laden’s head packed in dry ice so Black could show it to Bush; Black’s Afghanistan presentation earned him “special access” to the White House
  • Black is also one of the more prominent faces associated with the Bush administration’s interrogation and extraordinary rendition policies; the group within the CIA responsible for extraordinary renditions - operations in which covert agents grab terror suspects and take them to secret prison facilities for interrogations that would normally be prohibited as torture - fell under Black at the CTC
  • Black later became the State Department’s Coordinator for Counterterrorism with the rank of Ambassador at Large from December 2002 to November 2004, where one of his roles was to begin coordinating security for the 2004 Olympics in Greece; in 2003, the State Department gave Blackwater a contract to train the Olympic security teams
  • In 2004, Black left the State Department to join Blackwater, part of what Harper’s Silverstein termed a “revolving door to Blackwater” from the CIA; in addition to his work with Blackwater and his own company, Total Intelligence Solutions, Black also recently joined the presidential campaign of former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, where he serves the Republican hopeful as senior advisor for counterterrorism and national security

rob_richer.jpgRob Richer, vice president for intelligence:

  • From 1999 to 2004, Richer was head of the CIA’s Near East division and the agency’s liaison with King Abdullah of Jordan
  • In 2003, he briefed Bush on the nascent Iraqi insurgency
  • In late 2004, he became the associate deputy director in the CIA’s Directorate of Operations, making him the second-ranking official for clandestine operations
  • He left the agency for Blackwater in the Spring of 2005, effectively taking the agency’s relationship with Abdullah with him; the CIA is pissed off: it had invested millions of dollars in training Jordan’s intelligence services; there was an obvious quid pro quo: in exchange for the training, Jordan would share information; Jordan has now hired Blackwater’s intelligence division, headed by Richer, to do its spy training instead
  • Rob Richer is currently CEO of Cofer Black’s Total Intelligence Solutions

Fred Fielding, former outside counsel:

  • fred-fielding-1.jpgBlackwater hired Fielding, the consummate Republican insider, to represent the company against the families that sued Blackwater after four of their family members and Blackwater employees were tortured and killed in Fallujah, Iraq, in 2004
  • From 1970 to 1972, Fielding was an associate White House counsel in the Nixon administration; from 1972 to 1974, he was present for the denouement of that administration as deputy White House counsel; he is also widely regarded as Deep Throat, the unnamed source for articles written by Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein
  • Under Reagan, he served as White House counsel from 1981 to 1986, where he was the boss of a young assistant counsel named John Roberts, now the chief justice of the United States
  • After the 2000 election, he served the current administration as transition counsel, and he also held a spot on the 9/11 Commission
  • In January 2007, Bush chose him as White House counsel.

Ken Starr, outside counsel:

  • starr.gifFielding represented Blackwater as outside counsel for about six months beginning in February 2005; after he left the case, the law firm Greenberg Traurig, which was once home to Jack Abramoff and worked for George W. Bush in the Florida recount, represented Blackwater till October 2006; Blackwater then hired another high-profile lawyer with impeccable Republican credentials, Ken Starr, now the dean of Pepperdine Law School in California
  • Starr was appointed to the federal bench by Reagan, was U.S. solicitor general under George H.W. Bush and was on Bush’s shortlist to replace William Brennan on the Supreme Court
  • He is best known, however, as the independent counsel who investigated Bill Clinton; he revealed the intimate details of Clinton’s affair with intern Monica Lewinsky in the infamous Starr Report and set in motion Clinton’s impeachment by Congress
  • Blackwater continues to assert that the state of North Carolina lacks jurisdiction in the wrongful-death lawsuit against the security firm; in 2006, Starr petitioned Chief Justice Roberts on behalf of Blackwater, asserting that the company was “constitutionally immune” to the lawsuit; Roberts denied the petition on Oct. 24; in December, Starr filed a motion to bring the matter before the entire Supreme Court; the motion was denied in February

blackwater_mercenaries.jpg

For more information ob Blackwater see also the following two Salon articles: What happens to private contractors who kill Iraqis? Maybe nothing and America’s shadow army in Iraq.

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gabi pauli.jpg

If my origins wouldn’t lie in Germany, I might not have cared when reading that a German member of Parliament called for a law to limit marriages to seven years (with the potential to renew the contract). But, still knowing a little about the German political landscape, I also know this is a remarkable call, because the politician is a sitting female member in the Bavarian state parliament. Her name is Dr. Gabriele Pauli.What makes Pauli stand out, are a number of things. First: Bavaria is an extremely conservative state, which at times was the equivalent of Queensland under Joh Bjelke-Petersen (his nemesis in those days was a guy called Franz-Josef Strauss, who would turn up in New York nightclubs with a gun in his holster). Second: Bavaria is a catholic stronghold - the current pope was a Bavarian archbishop before he was groomed for his new job. Third: not surprisingly, the state has been ruled for the last 60 (!) years by the second-most conservative political party in Germany (only the neo-fascists can be found to the political right of it) - the CSU (Christian Social Union).

What’s interesting now is not only that Pauli represents the CSU in the Bavarian state parliament, but that she is a glamourously looking 50 year old who drives a Ducati, features on her blog in red & black bikie leather gear (above), posed earlier this year for a magazine wearing long black latex gloves (below), single-handedly managed to force the current Bavarian premier Stoiber out of office (which he held for 14 years), is now standing for his post and has called for a law to put an expiry date on the ‘holy sacrament’ of marriage! Quite funny really ;).

Reactions to Pauli in the male dominated CSU are predictable. Former foe Stoiber for example said she did not belong in the party and a guy called Friedrich, who represents the CSU in the European parliament, dismissed her views, saying “She is diametrically contradicting our Christian, ethical values”. The head of the CSU in Germany’s national parliament, listening to the rather unpleasant but typical Bavarian name Ramsauer, compared Pauli’s ideas to “the dirt under your fingernails”.

Those guys might be fuming but they probably also are already breathing a sigh of relief: Pauli won’t have the numbers to be elected to the office of Premier, and she will not stand again for parliament at the upcoming 2008 elections. What a pity ;) .

pauli_latex.jpg

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pink nails.jpg

This is a ‘good news story’ of sorts: Industrial design student Justyna Werbel is a woman with a mission: to encourage women to enter non-traditional skilled trades, such as construction. She’s doing that through an awareness campaign called the Pink Nail Project.

As part of a thesis project, the 24-year-old student at the Ontario College of Art and Design is powder-coating standard three-inch spiral nails pink. So far, she has produced 2,000 and another 3,000 are in the works. Nails are being sold at Dudley Hardware, in downtown Toronto. Proceeds will fund bursaries for women entering the trades.

“I needed an icon for the campaign,” says Werbel, who gained first-hand exposure to construction working summers as a general labourer for the City of Windsor. “I decided to use something that was familiar to people across the board.”

Down the road, Werbel hopes to partner with Home Depot and Habitat for Humanity, which has a program that promotes the involvement of women in construction of its homes. “If there is a pink nail on the site, dialogue will stem; questions will be asked,” says Werbel. “Hopefully, these women will now know there is an opportunity for them to go into the industry.”

The campaign has the backing of the Canadian Association of Women in Construction (CAWIC). The organization has invited Werbel to participate in its mentoring efforts. “We think the Pink Nail project represents a great opportunity to get the word out there (about career opportunities in the industry),” says CAWIC president Angela Wilson of Dufferin Construction.

[source: Daily Commercial News]

 

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[Originally I had planned to summarise this article; then I thought I could copy and paste snippets, like scattering selected pieces of a jigsaw puzzle. Finally I realised that the only way for me to preserve the very essence of this statement is to leave it untouched.]

Ten Dispatches About Place

by John Berger

Published in the July/August 2007 issue of Orion magazine

Anabell Guerrero.jpg

Photos: Anabell Guerrero

(1)
Somebody inquires: are you still a marxist? Never before has the devastation caused by the pursuit of profit, as defined by capitalism, been more extensive than it is today. Almost everybody knows this. How then is it possible not to heed Marx, who prophesied and analyzed the devastation? The answer might be that people, many people, have lost all their political bearings. Mapless, they do not know where they are heading.

(2)
Every day people follow signs pointing to some place that is not their home but a chosen destination. Road signs, airport embarkation signs, terminal signs. Some are making their journeys for pleasure, others for business, many out of loss or despair. On arrival they come to realize they are not in the place indicated by the signs they followed. Where they now find themselves has the correct latitude, longitude, local time, currency, yet it does not have the specific gravity of the destination they chose.

They are beside the place they chose to come to. The distance that separates them from it is incalculable. Maybe it’s only the width of a thoroughfare, maybe it’s a world away. The place has lost what made it a destination. It has lost its territory of experience.

Sometimes a few of these travelers undertake a private journey and find the place they wished to reach, which is often harsher than they foresaw, although they discover it with boundless relief. Many never make it. They accept the signs they follow and it’s as if they don’t travel, as if they always remain where they already are.

(3)
The details in the image on this page were taken by Anabell Guerrero in the Red Cross shelter for refugees and emigrants at Sangatte near Calais and the Channel Tunnel. On orders from the British and French governments, the shelter was recently shut down. Several hundred people were sheltering there, many hoping to make it to Britain. The man in the photographs—Guerrero prefers not to disclose his name—is from Zaire.

Month by month millions leave their homelands. They leave because there is nothing there, except their everything, which does not offer enough to feed their children. Once it did. This is the poverty of the new capitalism.

After long and terrible journeys, after they have experienced the baseness of which others are capable, after they have come to trust their own incomparable and dogged courage, emigrants find themselves waiting on some foreign transit station, and then all they have left of their home continent is themselves: their hands, their eyes, their feet, shoulders, bodies, what they wear, and what they pull over their heads at night to sleep under, wanting a roof.

Thanks to Guerrero’s image we can take account of how a man’s fingers are all that remain of a plot of tilled earth, his palms what remain of some riverbed, and how his eyes are a family gathering he will not attend. Portrait of an emigrant continent.

(4)
“I’m going down the stairs in an underground station to take the B line. Crowded here. Where are you? Really! What’s the weather like? Getting into the train—call you later…”

Of the millions of mobile telephone conversations taking place every hour in the world’s cities and suburbs, most, whether they are private or business, begin with a statement about the caller’s whereabouts. People need straightaway to pinpoint where they are. It is as if they are pursued by doubts suggesting that they may be nowhere. Surrounded by so many abstractions, they have to invent and share their own transient landmarks.

More than thirty years ago Guy Debord prophetically wrote: “the accumulation of mass-produced commodities for the abstract space of the market, just as it has smashed all regional and legal barriers, and all corporate restrictions of the Middle Ages that maintained the quality of artisanal production, has also destroyed the autonomy and quality of places.”

The key term of the present global chaos is de- or relocalization. This does not only refer to the practice of moving production to wherever labor is cheapest and regulations minimal. It also contains the offshore demented dream of the new ongoing power: the dream of undermining the status of and confidence in all previous fixed places, so that the entire world becomes a single fluid market.

The consumer is essentially somebody who feels or is made to feel lost unless he or she is consuming. Brand names and logos become the place names of the Nowhere.

Other signs announcing FREEDOM or DEMOCRACY, terms plundered from earlier historical periods, are also used to confuse. In the past a common tactic employed by those defending their homeland against invaders was to change the road signs so that the one indicating ZARAGOZA pointed in the opposite direction toward BURGOS. Today it is not defenders but invaders who switch signs to confuse local populations, confuse them about who is governing whom, the nature of happiness, the extent of grief, or where eternity is to be found. And the aim of all these misdirections is to persuade people that being a client is the ultimate salvation.

Yet clients are defined by where they check out and pay, not by where they live and die.

(5)
Extensive areas that were once rural places are being turned into zones. The details of the process vary according to the continent—Africa or Central America or Southeast Asia. The initial dismembering, however, always comes from elsewhere and from corporate interests pursuing their appetite for ever more accumulation, which means seizing natural resources (fish in Lake Victoria, wood in the Amazon, petrol wherever it is to be found, uranium in Gabon, etc.), regardless of to whom the land or water belongs.

The ensuing exploitation soon demands airports, military, and paramilitary bases to defend what is being siphoned off, and collaboration with the local mafiosi. Tribal war, famine, and genocide may follow.

People in such zones lose all sense of residence: children become orphans (even when they are not), women become slaves, men desperadoes. Once this has happened, to restore any sense of domesticity takes generations. Each year of such accumulation prolongs the Nowhere in time and space.

(6)
Meanwhile—and political resistance often begins in a meanwhile—the most important thing to grasp and remember is that those who profit from the present chaos, with their embedded commentators in the media, continuously misinform and misdirect. Their declarations and all the plundered terms they are in the habit of using should never be argued with. They have to be rejected outright and abandoned. They will get nobody anywhere.

The information technology developed by the corporations and their armies so they could dominate their Nowhere more speedily is being used by others as a means of communication throughout the Everywhere they are struggling toward.

The Caribbean writer Edouard Glissant puts this very well: “the way to resist globalisation is not to deny globality, but to imagine what is the finite sum of all possible particularities and to get used to the idea that, as long as a single particularity is missing, globality will not be what it should be for us.”

We are establishing our own landmarks, naming places, finding poetry. Yes, in the Meanwhile poetry is to be found.

As the brick of the afternoon stores the rose heat of the journey

as the rose buds a green room to breathe
and blossoms like the wind

as the thin birches whisper their stories of the wind to the urgent
in the trucks

as the leaves of the hedge store the light
the day thought it had lost

as the nest of her wrist beats like the chest of a sparrow in the turning air

as the chorus of the earth find their eyes in the sky
and unwrap them to each other in the teeming dark

hold everything dear

—Gareth Evans

(7)
Their Nowhere generates a strange, because unprecedented, awareness of time. Digital time. It continues forever uninterrupted through day and night, the seasons, birth, and death. As indifferent as money. Yet, although continuous, it is utterly single. It is the time of the present kept apart from the past and future. Within it, only the present is weight-bearing; the other two lack gravity. Time is no longer a colonnade, but a single column of ones and zeros. A vertical time with nothing surrounding it, except absence.

Read a few pages of Emily Dickinson and then go and see Lars von Trier’s film Dogville. In Dickinson’s poetry the presence of the eternal is attendant in every pause. The film, by contrast, remorselessly shows what happens when any trace of the eternal is erased from daily life. What happens is that all words and their entire language are rendered meaningless.

Within a single present, within digital time, no whereabouts can be found or established.

(8)
We will take our bearings within another time-set. The eternal, according to Spinoza (who was Marx’s dearest philosopher) is now. It is not something awaiting us, but something we encounter during those brief yet timeless moments when everything accommodates everything and no exchange is inadequate.

In her urgent book Hope In the Dark, Rebecca Solnit quotes the Sandinista poet Gioconda Belli describing the moment when the Somoza dictatorship was overthrown in Nicaragua: “two days that felt as if a magical, age-old spell had been cast over us, taking us back to Genesis, to the very site of the creation of the world.” The fact that the U.S. and its mercenaries later destroyed the Sandinistas in no way diminishes that moment existing in the past, present, and future.

(9)
A kilometer down the road from where I’m writing, there is a field in which four burros graze, two mares and two foals. They are a particularly small species. The black-bordered ears of the mares, when they prick them, come up to my chin. The foals, only a few weeks old, are the size of large terriers, with the difference that their heads are almost as large as their sides.

I climb over the fence and sit in the field with my back against the trunk of an apple tree. The burros have made their own tracks across the field and some pass under very low branches where I would have to stoop double. They watch me. There are two areas where there is no grass at all, just reddish earth, and it is to one of these rings that they come many times a day to roll on their backs. Mare first, then foal. The foals already have their black stripe across their shoulders.

Now they approach me. They smell of donkeys and bran—not the smell of horses, more discreet. The mares touch the top of my head with their lower jaws. Their muzzles are white. Around their eyes are flies, far more agitated than their own questioning glances.

When they stand in the shade by the edge of the wood the flies go away, and they can stand there almost motionless for half an hour. In the shade at midday, time slows down. When one of the foals suckles (ass’s milk is the closest to human milk), the mare’s ears lie right back and point to her tail.

Surrounded by the four of them in the sunlight, my attention fixes on their legs, all sixteen of them. Their slenderness, their sheerness, their containment of concentration, their surety. (Horses’ legs look hysterical by comparison.) Theirs are legs for crossing mountains no horse could tackle, legs for carrying loads that are unimaginable if one considers only the knees, the shanks, the fetlocks, the hocks, the cannon bones, the pastern joints, the hooves. Donkeys’ legs.

They wander away, heads down, grazing, their ears missing nothing; I watch them, eyes skinned. In our exchanges, such as they are, in the midday company we offer one another, there is a substratum of what I can only describe as gratitude. Four burros in a field, month of June, year 2005.

(10)
Yes, I’m still among other things a marxist.

John Berger was awarded the Booker Prize for his novel G. and a Lannan Lifetime Achievement Award. He lives in France.

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